Every century produces the same political movement—different slogans, same bloodstains.

The Right presents itself as the guardian of order, tradition, and stability, yet history shows a far more consistent pattern: power defended through panic, panic justified through fear, and fear enforced with violence. When challenged by progress, the Right does not adapt; it escalates. It declares emergencies, invents enemies, and insists that cruelty is necessity. From slavery to segregation, from eugenics to police terror, from moral panics to immigration crackdowns, the Right has always insisted this time is different. History keeps the receipts. And every time, the verdict is the same: wrong side—again.

Every century also produces the same person who calls themself a conservative because it sounds respectable—like a man guarding tradition instead of a man terrified of change. They believe hierarchy is natural, empathy is weakness, and history will eventually apologize for the inconvenience of other people wanting rights.

It never does.

In the 1800s, John C. Calhoun stood in polished chambers and explained—very reasonably—that slavery wasn’t cruelty but order. A positive good. He warned abolition would destroy the economy, the family, civilization itself. Slavery ended anyway. Civilization survived. His ideas didn’t.

When compromise failed, Alexander H. Stephens helped build a nation explicitly founded on white supremacy. They called it heritage. Stability. Tradition. They lost the war, lost the argument, and spent the next century insisting the loss was unfair.

After slavery, conservatives didn’t repent. They reorganized. White Citizens’ Councils traded hoods for suits and smiles, insisting segregation was “local control,” not apartheid. History didn’t argue. It stepped around them and kept moving.

In 1963, George Wallace literally stood in a doorway to block integration and promised resistance forever. History waited briefly, checked its watch, and walked straight past him.

When women demanded the vote, Josephine Dodge warned it would destroy families and morals. Women voted anyway. Families survived. Civilization barely noticed.

When workers demanded weekends and safety, conservative industrialists and the National Association of Manufacturers called unions radical and hired the Pinkerton Agency to stop them with batons and bullets. Workers unionized anyway. Everyone enjoyed Saturdays.

After civil rights passed, the Dixiecrats, led by Strom Thurmond, didn’t disappear. They switched parties and carried the same resentments with them. New jerseys. Same disease.

Conservatives embraced eugenics because cruelty sounds smarter with charts. Charles Davenport sold forced sterilization as scientific progress. In 1927, an extremely conservative Supreme Court—deep in the Lochner Era—made that cruelty constitutional. In Buck v. Bell (1927), the Court upheld forced sterilization by an 8–1 vote. Writing for the majority, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. declared: “Three generations of imbeciles are enough.”

That was not a rogue opinion. It was conservative consensus—signed off by Chief Justice William Howard Taft and a bench stacked with reactionary jurists who believed the state could police bodies with scientific calm. History reviewed the doctrine and buried it next to phrenology and lobotomies.

And if you’re wondering where the Nazis got the idea, they didn’t invent it. They studied it. German officials explicitly cited American sterilization laws and Buck v. Bell as precedent for the 1933 Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring (see: U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum). Conservatives prefer to pretend this is foreign history. It isn’t. It’s American.

In the 1970s, Anita Bryant warned that gay rights would destroy America. Rights expanded. America remained. The panic aged badly.

Then history laughed.

In 1977, a gay rights activist from Minnesota, Tom Higgins, calmly walked up to Bryant at a press conference and planted a cream pie directly into her face. Not violence—ridicule. A reminder that moral crusades collapse the moment they lose their aura of fear.

Minnesota has always understood this.

From Iron Range labor wars to the Farmer–Labor Party, from the 1934 Minneapolis Teamsters strike to Vietnam War protests at the University of Minnesota, the state responds when authority becomes obscene.

That reflex exploded in 2020 after the murder of George Floyd—a killing carried out in public while the system watched and called it procedure. Conservatives rushed to defend the badge. History recorded the knee.

Now read this part carefully.

Because this is not about your grandpa’s tax policy or your uncle’s obsession with “small government.” This is about what you are voting for now: a political movement that survives on scapegoats, thrives on resentment, and treats empathy as weakness. A movement that convinces decent people to excuse indecency because it comes wrapped in flags and slogans.

And let’s be precise about what that movement produces.

It produces bodies.

A white supremacist drove a car into a crowd and murdered Heather Heyer while chanting slogans the president refused to condemn. Police burst into the home of Breonna Taylor and shot her to death while conservatives defended the warrant. Ahmaud Arbery was hunted down in broad daylight by men who felt empowered to play executioner because the culture told them “law and order” was on their side.

This is not coincidence. It is permission.

People have also died under U.S. immigration enforcement—during arrests, restraint, transport, and detention—most famously Anastasio Hernández Rojas, beaten and tased to death while handcuffed and begging for help.

Conservatives argue every death in isolation because isolation is how you avoid reckoning. History does not grade on technicalities. It counts bodies.

Alleged or Under-Investigation Murders Linked to U.S. Immigration & Customs Enforcement and Law Enforcement

This section is clearly labeled because process is typically the last refuge of moral avoidance. These cases below are under investigation or contested, but the essential fact remains: these people did not shoot or kill themselves.

In January 2026, Minneapolis became the epicenter of a new federal enforcement surge. Renée Nicole Good, a 37-year-old American citizen, was shot and killed by a federal immigration agent during an ICE operation in Minneapolis. The incident sparked protests and remains under investigation.

Source: Reuters, Can ICE agents be prosecuted for Minneapolis shootings?

Weeks later, Alex Jeffrey Pretti, a 37-year-old U.S. citizen and ICU nurse, was shot and killed by federal immigration officers during another Minneapolis enforcement action. Video evidence circulated. Federal accounts shifted. Investigations were announced.

Source: Reuters

The alleged first gun shot fired at Alex Jeffrey Pretti (Source Unknown)

In ICE detention, people continue to die under restraint and neglect. Geraldo Lunas Campos died after being restrained by guards; a county medical examiner ruled the death a homicide.

Source: Associated Press / Reuters

This is why the Right is always on the wrong side of history—not because of one leader, one election, or one bad era, but because the pattern never changes. Power is treated as entitlement. Equality is framed as threat. Panic becomes policy. And blood is dismissed as collateral damage.

Hey Republican, Look:

History is not asking today’s voters to be perfect, heroic, or ideologically pure. It is asking something much simpler and much harder: stop mistaking fear for principle and violence for order. The next election will not be a referendum on personalities or parties. It will be a reckoning with a pattern—power, panic, and blood—repeated so often that denial itself has become a choice.

These are called “use-of-force incidents” in official language. On the street, people call them what they look like: alleged state sponsored murder.

So if you are a Republican, or you call yourself conservative, read this next part slowly.

This is not about personality. It is about pattern.

You do not get to say “I didn’t know” when the record is public. You do not get to hide behind ideology when that ideology keeps producing corpses and excuses in equal measure.

History is not asking you to become perfect.

It is asking you to stop being an accessory to murder.

The next election will not be a personality contest. It will be a moral audit.

History is watching.

It always is.

And history always remembers who stood where.

Choose accordingly.